Special Envoy of the Secretary-General on Myanmar
Remarks at the Informal Meeting of the General Assembly
New York, 19 June 2026
Madam President, Distinguished Delegates,
Today, I will report on the highly polarized and increasingly bleak situation across Myanmar.
But first, allow me to remind Member States of the origin of my role in tackling the crisis in Myanmar.
While the country has suffered decades of conflict and turmoil, the mandate of the Special Envoy was established by a 2017 General Assembly resolution adopted in the aftermath of the forced mass displacement of the Rohingya from Myanmar.
The plight of the Rohingya remains dire.
The mandate has been renewed annually and expanded in scope, particularly following the military takeover in 2021 and the ensuing violence and suffering.
In 2022, the Security Council adopted its landmark resolution SCR 2669.
The General Assembly and the Security Council have consistently called for a cessation of hostilities, inclusive dialogue, unfettered humanitarian access, and the release of political prisoners.
Both have called for cooperation between the United Nations and ASEAN, emphasizing the role of the respective special envoys.
I have now collaborated with three ASEAN Special Envoys, currently with Secretary of Foreign Affairs Lazaro of the Philippines, and look forward to continuing the collaboration with the 2027 Chair Singapore, in support of ASEAN centrality.
As Myanmar’s multi-layered crisis within the country continues unabated, the consequences are increasingly felt far beyond its borders, with growing regional and global implications.
Two years into this role, I have briefed the General Assembly and the Security Council five times each, including the High-Level Conference on the Rohingya and other minorities in 2025.
In my ten formal presentations to Member States, I have reported on a deepening crisis, erosion of the rule of law, consistent failure to protect civilians and a widening governance vacuum exploited by criminal syndicates.
Within the limited resources available to my office, I have continued direct contact with a significant range of stakeholders from all sides of this crisis – maintaining dialogue with all interested Member States and parties.
I have undertaken four visits to Myanmar and have met with Min Aung Hlaing on three occasions, most recently on 21 May.
I have held meetings in Yangon and Nay Pyi Taw, as well as in Mandalay where I met families who had lost everything in the 2025 earthquake, compounding the suffering from the conflict.
I have continued meeting with the National League for Democracy (NLD), the National Unity Government (NUG), ethnic groups, civil society organizations and more.
Recently, I have consulted with the Steering Council for the Emergence of a Federal Democratic Union (SCEF) alliance, which aims to strengthen greater cooperation among resistance groups.
I have travelled to many capitals to meet with leaders of influence, giving priority in my efforts to influencing the most influential actors, particularly Myanmar’s neighbours, and strengthening cooperation with regional organizations, especially ASEAN in line with the UN Charter and the Special Envoys of its rotating Chair, as well as other Special Envoys.
In this respect, I also acknowledge the European Union and the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation, the co-sponsors of the General Assembly Resolution mandating my role, for their continued cooperation.
As I continue to hold frank discussions with all parties, it remains the case that there are competing and conflicting narratives on virtually every aspect of the crisis.
For example, the narrative from the authorities in Nay Pyi Taw after the military-administered election, contrasts starkly with the accounts of communities who claim indiscriminate aerial bombing and a denial of essential services continued throughout the process.
Tragically, the ground realities show that conditions in Myanmar continue to deteriorate.
Records are being set for all the wrong reasons.
Myanmar is a global epicenter for cybercrime.
Transnational criminal syndicates operating industrial-scale scam compounds have expanded their human trafficking networks as far as Africa and targeted victims across the United States, Asia and beyond.
The country is now a global supplier of methamphetamine and opium.
Myanmar has become the world’s leading source of landmine casualties.
2025 being the deadliest year for children in Myanmar since the military takeover, with airstrikes the leading cause of civilian casualties.
The collapse of the health systems risks triggering regional disease outbreaks.
Myanmar is now among the world’s sixth most severe hunger hotspots.
It is experiencing high levels of displacement, with more than 3.7 million people internally displaced and a further 1.6 million across the region.
Bangladesh alone hosts some 1.2 million Rohingya refugees, with Cox’s Bazar now the world’s largest refugee camp.
These measures of human suffering alone should compel us to take action to prevent further deterioration.
Some have claimed that the holding of an election would represent a new chapter, it would turn the page on the events triggered by the 2021 takeover.
Last October, I referred Member States to the military’s plans to hold general elections in three phases.
Polling concluded in January 2026 with the Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP), the political wing of the military, securing a predictable landslide victory.
Combined with the 25 per cent of seats reserved for military appointees under the 2008 Constitution, the military’s role in the life of the people of Myanmar has been further entrenched.
Any opposition participation was severely restricted.
In March, the military legislature elected Min Aung Hlaing as its political leader, foregoing his role as Commander-in-Chief. Military officers continue to occupy key positions.
The overall outcome is viewed by a number of Myanmar stakeholders as a consolidation of power for the military. It is not seen as a transition to a civilian government.
The military claimed “free and fair” polls and a legitimate process. Many on the ground described tight security, a reduced electorate, the exclusion of major political parties, low turnout and polls conducted in the midst of an ongoing armed conflict.
The United Nations neither supported nor observed this process.
A number of nations have taken the outcome of the polls to be an opportunity to normalise relations with Nay Pyi Taw. Others have not.
Those who participated in and supported the election of a civilian government in 2020 are more determined than ever to seek accountability.
On issues of recognition, I remain guided by the Security Council and General Assembly, for only Member States can make that call.
I have been urged to be clear-eyed about the realities in Myanmar. I am continuously called upon to speak truth to the military leaders and supporters, in accordance with the values and principles of the UN.
Many claim that the overthrow of an elected government, the detention of its leaders, and continued attacks on civilians, cannot justify a return to normalcy.
Engagement based on self-interest without reference to these realities is a lost opportunity.
Consistent with ASEAN’s position, I have echoed the Secretary-General’s caution that an electoral process without a cessation of hostilities and commitment to inclusive dialogue risks fueling further violence.
Throughout the polls, military operations and aerial attacks continued, including strikes on civilian areas, with children among the victims.
Villagers are facing pressure from different armed actors, including forced labour and recruitment, extortion at checkpoints and restrictions on movement and on the delivery of essential humanitarian support.
The Secretary-General has condemned all forms of violence and has called on all parties to exercise maximum restraint, protect civilians and civilian infrastructure, and uphold their obligations under international human rights law and humanitarian law.
I must report that neither these calls nor those of the General Assembly and Security Council have been heeded – in fact, have been ignored.
Of growing concern is the situation facing young people. In our discussions, I am told that conscription by both the Myanmar military and resistance forces is increasing.
Young people are fleeing, attempting perilous journeys including by sea, becoming vulnerable to trafficking, exploitation, and the illicit economies driven by the drug trade and scam operations. Education opportunities are limited.
Women’s groups also report deepening risks, including conflict‑related sexual violence.
Against this backdrop, I continue to encourage a range of actors to explore dialogue, and I continue my appeals for conditions to be established that are conducive to a cessation of violence – wherever common ground can be found.
I remain committed to helping bridge the divide in support of a Myanmar-led and Myanmar-owned peace process.
Some leaders have appealed for stakeholders to engage adversaries as future partners, not as permanent enemies.
This requires an end to the fighting on all sides.
Around a third of the population live in poverty and the economy remains stagnant. For diversified investment and assistance to return, there must be tangible progress.
During my fourth visit to Myanmar last month, I emphasized in all my meetings, civilian protection, humanitarian access, and inclusive dialogue.
In my third meeting with Min Aung Hlaing he outlined his priorities, including a “100-day programme” on economic recovery and national reconciliation.
He referred to his renewed invitations to armed resistance groups and ethnic armed organizations to join peace negotiations.
I conveyed stakeholders’ lack of confidence in calls for dialogue while military operations escalate.
Others have questioned how Nay Pyi Taw can gain legitimacy through diplomatic engagement while maintaining a regime marked by restrictions on fundamental freedoms, and human rights violations.
The announcement of the release from detention of President Win Myint gave initial hope for steps toward reconciliation. But the conditionality of his release has tempered international goodwill.
I have repeatedly raised with Nay Pyi Taw the predicament of State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi, who was re-elected in November 2020 but condemned to a harsh and punitive detention after the military takeover.
There have been no independent verifiable reports of her circumstances for years. Today, on her 81st birthday, I urge others to join with me in calling for her release.
In the eyes of many, there can be no progress to peace while ever State Counsellor Daw Suu is held prisoner.
I reiterate the calls of this body for the immediate and unconditional release of all those arbitrarily detained, also reflected in the Security Council Resolution 2669.
Without an inclusive peace process and negotiated political solution, Myanmar’s socioeconomic conditions will continue to deteriorate.
Almost ten years after their forced displacement, the Rohingya – most of whom are stateless – still face immense obstacles to a safe, voluntary, dignified, and sustainable return to Myanmar.
As we observe World Refugee Day tomorrow, I sound the alarm on behalf of those who have been forced to flee war, violence and persecution.
The escalating hate speech and online abuse in the region, especially towards Rohingya refugees is also alarming.
In my recent meetings with Rohingya representatives, they appealed for an end to violence and for a pathway toward peace, self-reliance, citizenship and enjoyment of their basic rights, stressing that accountability for all perpetrators remains essential to reconciliation.
An inclusive Myanmar cannot be achieved without safety, justice, and opportunity for all communities, including the Rohingya, and without addressing the root causes of conflict, discrimination, and exclusion.
The United Nations must stand firmly for peaceful, lawful, and inclusive processes. The UN through its agencies, funds and programmes will stay and deliver in Myanmar despite immense challenges.
As Resident and Humanitarian Coordinator ad interim, Gwyn Lewis has emphasized, emergency assistance must be complemented by investment in livelihoods, education, health, and recovery if people are to rebuild their lives with dignity. This requires sustained and predictable funding.
Myanmar has long presented a critical opportunity for the United Nations, working with ASEAN and other partners, to demonstrate its relevance in a world beset by conflict.
The international community must remain steadfast in solidarity with the people of Myanmar and be guided by their appeals for help.
I thank delegates for their support.
UN / MYANMAR BRIEFING on UNifeed: https://media.un.org/unifeed/en/asset/d359/d3593247